Indiana Attorney General Todd Rokita is pressing lawmakers to pursue new redistricting in 2025, saying it’s a way for the state to push back against what he calls the unfair political impact of counting noncitizens in the U.S. Census. In an Aug. 26 statement, Rokita argued the 2020 count was “fundamentally flawed” because it included millions of undocumented immigrants in states with sanctuary policies, which he says boosted those states’ seats in Congress while weakening states like Indiana. He pledged that his office will defend any new maps the Indiana General Assembly passes, saying they will “reflect the will of Hoosiers and withstand legal scrutiny.”
Rokita’s argument links district lines to immigration policy and taps into a wider national push by Republican leaders, including former President Trump, to change how population is used for political power. The immediate question for Indiana is whether the legislature will draw new congressional maps before the next census. The larger fight is over who gets counted, and how that count shapes control of the U.S. House of Representatives.

He has sharpened his language in recent days, saying, “I’m done bringing a knife to a gunfight against aggressive, nonstop left-wing tactics. It’s time to fight on an even playing field and secure fair representation for our state.” Rokita also links the push to illegal immigration, arguing that states with sanctuary policies gain clout from the presence of undocumented residents while states with stricter policies lose out.
While the Attorney General’s office does not draw maps, Rokita is a key player because he would defend any new plan in court. He has made clear he will back the General Assembly if it moves ahead. That matters because new maps in a mid-decade redraw almost always trigger lawsuits. He is betting that a court fight is worth it if Indiana can, in his view, correct an imbalance tied to how the federal government counts people inside the United States 🇺🇸.
Census Rules and Legal Hurdles
By law, the U.S. Census counts all usual residents, no matter their citizenship or immigration status. The count drives apportionment—how the 435 House seats are divided among the states—and it also affects billions in federal funds.
- The Census Bureau explains apportionment is based on total resident population, not only citizens.
- For official background, see the U.S. Census Bureau’s guide: Apportionment and the Decennial Census.
Former President Trump previously pushed to exclude undocumented immigrants from the apportionment count. That effort stalled after court battles and policy reversals under President Biden. Legal scholars note that the Constitution’s text and long-standing federal laws point to counting all residents, which is why any change to exclude noncitizens would likely require Congress to alter the Census Act and might face constitutional tests.
Republican leaders who argue for a mid-decade reset face another legal roadblock: federal law currently does not allow a mid-decade census to change congressional apportionment. While limited mid-decade surveys can inform funding formulas, they cannot shift House seats. That means:
- Even if Indiana or other states redraw districts mid-decade, they would still use the 2020 apportionment numbers for how many House seats each state holds.
- Mid-cycle redistricting changes where lines are drawn inside a state; it does not change a state’s number of seats.
Legal experts warn that if states redraw now, they should expect swift court challenges. Potential claims include:
- Partisan gerrymandering
- Racial vote dilution
- Procedural flaws or timing-based challenges
Those challenges would be in addition to any broader federal fights over who is counted in future censuses. Adding a citizenship question or excluding undocumented residents could reduce participation, researchers say, skewing data and provoking more lawsuits.
Rokita’s supporters say citizens’ votes should not be diluted because other states count undocumented immigrants. Opponents say representation should reflect people who live in a place and use its services, regardless of immigration status.
Courts have often treated the total-population rule as settled practice, which suggests that disputes over these rules will likely end up in courtrooms—not just statehouses.
What Redistricting Could Mean for Indiana and Immigrant Communities
If the Indiana General Assembly opens a new redistricting session, the process would likely move quickly:
- Lawmakers draft and release proposed maps.
- Public comment, committee hearings, and legislative votes proceed on a fast schedule.
- The governor signs or vetoes the maps.
- The Attorney General defends the enacted maps in court against expected lawsuits.
Rokita has said he will “defend any new congressional maps,” emphasizing his readiness for a legal sprint. If new maps take effect, they will shape:
- Which neighborhoods are grouped together
- Which incumbents face tougher races
- Which party may gain an electoral edge
For immigrant communities, the stakes are both political and practical. If national policy moves to exclude noncitizens from counts—or if fear of new questions causes people to avoid the census—areas with large immigrant populations could see:
- Lower population totals
- Fewer seats in Congress for their states
- Reduced federal funding for schools, health care, and infrastructure
Community leaders warn the debate can scare families away from participating, even when responses are safe and protected. Legal service groups remind residents that federal law protects census privacy and data cannot be used for immigration enforcement, but the chill effect remains a real concern.
Indiana’s debate also sits inside a larger national push by GOP figures, including former President Trump, to redraw maps mid-decade in multiple states. If several states redraw at once, the national political map could shift. Democrats and many advocacy groups call these moves unconstitutional and claim the real aim is partisan gain, not fairness—an argument likely to surface in any related lawsuits.
Practical signs residents might see if lawmakers act:
- Public release of proposed maps with short comment windows
- Committee hearings scheduled rapidly with limited speaking slots
- Final votes timed near filing deadlines for upcoming elections
- Immediate court filings once maps are enacted
Families who moved since 2020 should double-check voter registration and polling places, as new lines can change where they vote. Community groups often hold informational sessions explaining effects on schools and local services.
Political and Legal Stakes
Rokita’s critics say his approach treats residents who lack status as pawns in a power fight. Supporters say he is defending citizens who, in their view, lost influence because other states gained seats by counting undocumented residents. The clash is about values as much as it is about lines on a map.
According to analysis by VisaVerge.com, past attempts to change who gets counted faced steep legal hurdles and drew fast resistance from civil rights groups, city governments, and business leaders who rely on stable counts for planning. The analysis notes even a hint of rule change can cause immigrant neighborhoods to avoid civic events and government interaction, harming local data quality for years.
For now, the baseline remains clear:
- The federal framework counts all usual residents for apportionment.
- Any move to exclude noncitizens would require action by Congress and would trigger court review.
- Indiana’s near-term redistricting decision is mainly a state issue—how to draw lines using the 2020 total-population figures—and does not change Indiana’s number of House seats.
The Attorney General’s office says it will stand behind the General Assembly if lawmakers redraw maps this year. If they do, the first tests will come in state and federal courts in Indiana. The next tests may come from national leaders: a new White House or Congress could attempt to change census rules, and Indiana’s actions might become a template for lawsuits on both sides.
The debate ties together two distinct issues—district maps and the census—but they are not the same:
- Redrawing lines can change which party wins more seats inside Indiana.
- Changing the census count would change how many seats each state gets.
One can happen now at the state level; the other requires action in Washington and likely a long legal fight.
Rokita’s message is direct: he believes Indiana should act now to protect the voice of its citizens. Opponents say the push risks sidelining immigrant families who live, work, and raise children in communities across the country. Both sides know the stakes are high: control of Congress, allocation of federal dollars, and the fundamental question of who counts when the United States 🇺🇸 measures itself.
This Article in a Nutshell
Indiana Attorney General Todd Rokita has called for mid-decade redistricting in 2025, arguing the 2020 Census unfairly increased representation for states with large undocumented populations. Rokita promises his office will defend any maps the General Assembly enacts. Federal law requires the Census to count all usual residents for apportionment, so excluding noncitizens would likely need Congressional action and face constitutional challenges. Mid-decade surveys cannot change a state’s number of House seats, though states can redraw internal district lines. Experts expect rapid legislative timelines and immediate lawsuits alleging partisan gerrymandering, racial vote dilution, or procedural flaws. The debate could depress census participation in immigrant communities and affects federal funding, representation, and political control.